Posts Tagged ‘President’s Day’

John Quincy Adams – Patriot, Poet, Statesman, and Sage

February 20, 2012

[From the Baltimore Patriot.]
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

Wonderful man! whose mighty mind
Not even age itself can blight;
He is an honor to mankind,
And to the world a shining light;
His voice is heard in freedom’s halls,
As oft ’twas heard in olden time,
Echoing along the lofty walls,
In tones of eloquence sublime.

Patriot and poet, statesman, sage,
The friend of freedom and our race;
His fame shall live thro’ every age,
And millions yet unborn shall trace
The record of his bright renown,
And of his brilliant deeds sublime,
Which shall to mighty men go down
Upon the future tide of time.

To Ireland’s hero he the lyre
Has swept and sung of other days,
While listening ears poetic fire,
Perceivedin all his lofty lays;
The thunders of his touching tongue,
From which corruption shrinks in fear,
Thro’ freedom’s temple oft have rung,
When listening Senates’ lean’d to hear.

Had he in ancient Greece appeared,
Immortal would have been his name;
Statues to him would have been reared,
And by the golden pen of fame,
His glory on the mighty scroll,
High in her temple would be placed;
Almost on marble would his soul,
By Grecian gratitude be traced.

J.H.N.

The Ohio Repository (Canton, Ohio) Jul 8, 1847

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

The October Number of the “Democratic Review,” published at Washington, contains some very interesting “glances at Congress,” in which several of the most prominent members are described in a graphic and somewhat impartial manner. The following sketch of that extraordinary man, JOHN Q. ADAMS, will be read with much interest:
Cum. Pres.

“Our attention is now attracted to a ray of light that glitters on the appex of a balk and noble head located on the left of the House, in the neighborhood of the speaker’s chair. It proceeds from that wonderful man who in his person combines the agitator, poet, philosopher, statesman, critic and orator — John Quincy Adams. There he sits, hour after hour, day after day, with untiring patience, never absent from his seat, never voting for an adjournment of the House, his ear ever on the alert always prepared to go at once into the profoundest questions of state or the minutest points or order. We look at him and mark his cold and fearless eye, his stern and abstracted gaze, and conjure up phantoms of other scenes. We look upon a more than king, who has filled every department of honor in his native land, still at his post; he who was the president of millions, now the representative of forty odd thousand, quarrelling about trifles or advocating high principles; to day growling and sneering at the House, with an abolition petition in his trembling hand, and anon lording it over the passions, and lashing the members into the wildest state of enthusiasm by his indignant and emphatic eloquence. Alone unspoken to, unconsulted with others, he sits apart, wrapped in his reveries, or probably he is writing, his almost perpetual employment. He looks enfeebled, but yet he is never tired; worn out, but ever ready for the combat; melancholy, but let a witty thing fall from any member that hazards an arrow at him — the eagle is not swifter in its flight than Mr. Adams; with his agitated finger quivering in sarcastic gesticulation, he seizes upon his foe, and, amid the amazement of the House, rarely fails to take signal vengeance. His stores of knowledge on every subject, garnered up through the course of his extraordinary life, in the well arraigned store house of a memory which is said never to have permitted a single fact to escape it, give him a great advantage over all comers in encounters of this kind. He is a wonderful eccentric genius. He belongs to no party, nor does any party belong to him. He is original, of very peculiar ideas, and perfectly fearless and independent in expressing and maintaining them. His manner of speaking is peculiar; he rises abruptly, his face reddens, and in a moment, throwing himself into the attitude of  a veteran gladiator, he prepares for the attack; then he becomes full of gesticulation, his body sways to and fro self command seems lost, his head is bent forward in his earnestness till it sometimes touches the desk; his voice frequently breaks, but he pursues his subject through all its bearings — nothing daunts him — the House may ring with cries of order — order! unmoved, contemptuous he stands amid the tempest, and like an oak that knows its gnarled and knotted strength, stretches his arm forth and defies the blast.

Alton Observer (Alton, Illinois) Jan 4, 1838

REMINISCENCE OF J.Q. ADAMS.

The Hon. John Quincy Adams concluded his argument before the United States Supreme Court, in the Amistad case, with the following touching reminiscence:

May it please your Honor: On the 7th of February, 1804, now more than thirty-seven years past, my name was entered, and yet stands recorded on both the rolls, as one of the attorneys and counselors of this Court. Five years later, in February and March, 1809, I appeared for the last time before this Court, in defense of the cause of justice, and of important rights, in which many of my fellow citizens had property to a large amount at stake. Very shortly afterwards, I was called to the discharge of other duties; first in distant lands, and in later years, within our own country, but in different departments of her Government. —

Little did I imagine that I should ever be required to claim the right of appearing in the capacity of an officer of this Court. Yet such has been the dictate of my destiny; and I appear again to plead the cause of justice, and now of liberty and life, in behalf of many of my fellow-men, before that same Court, which, in a former age, I had addressed in support of rights of property. I stand again, I trust for the last time, before the same Court, “hic castus artemque repeno.” I stand before the same Court, but not before the same judges, nor aided by the same associates, nor resisted by the same opponents. As I cast my eyes along those seats of honor and of public trust, now occupied by you, they seek in vain for one of those honored and honorable persons whose indulgence listened then to to my voice. Marshall, Cushing, Case, Washington, Johnson, Livingston, Todd: where are they? Where is that eloquent statesman and learned lawyer who was my associate counsel in the management of that cause — Robert Goodloe Harper? Where is that brilliant luminary, so long the pride of Maryland and of the American bar, then my opposing counsel — Luther Martin? Where is the excellent clerk of that day, whose name has been inscribed on the shores of Africa, as a monument of his abhorrence to the African slave trade — Elias B. Caldwell? Where is the marshal? Where are the criers of the Court? Alas! where is one of the very judges of the Court, arbiters of life or death, before whom I commenced this anxious argument? Gone! — gone from a world of sin and sorrow, I trust — to that blest abode, “where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest.” And it is my ardent wish, and fervent prayer, that each and every one of you, may go to this final account with as little of earthly frailty to answer for, as those illustrious dead; and that you may every one, after the close of a long and virtuous career in this world, be received at the portals of the next with the approving sentence: Well done, good and faithful servant; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.”

Alton Telegraph And Democratic Review (Alton, Illinois) Mar 17, 1848

MR. ADAMS’ KINDNESS

The anecdotes of he ‘old man eloquent,’ would fill a volume. One of the most touching, and eminently illustrative of the devotedness which his domestic virtues called forth from those in his service, was recently narrated to us in substance as follows:

‘A few years ago, as John Quincy Adams was riding to the capitol, his horses became unmanageable and overturned his coach, dashing the driver, and Irishman, who had long been in Mr. Adams’ employ, with great violence against a post or the corner of a building. He was taken up for dead, and carried to an apartment in the capitol, under the room in which Mr. Adams breathed his last, followed by many persons among them Mr. Adams himself. After some time the injured man was restored to consciousness, and, apparently regardless of his own sufferings, turning his eyes anxiously around, his first words were — ‘Is Mr. Adams safe?’ Mr. Adams replied that he was unhurt. The poor fellow exclaimed, ‘Then I am content,’ and relapsed into an unconscious state. The venerable statesman was deeply moved at his evidence of affectionate regard for his welfare, and tears flowed down his cheeks. The wounded and suffering man was taken to the Patriot’s house, but did not survive until morning. Mr. Adams was engaged to speak in some important cause before the Supreme Court of the United States on that day — it is believed in the Amistad case; but his feelings were such that he went to he Court, and stating the circumstances that had occurred, solicited, as a personal favor, the postponement of the case until the next day, which was accordingly granted. The tokens of mourning were placed on Mr. Adams’ door, as if one of his own family had deceased; and the funeral took place from his house, and under his personal superintendence. Truly has it been said of the illustrious sage, ‘that he concentrated affection at home.’

Salem (Mass.) Register.

American Freeman (Prairieville, Wisconsin) Apr 5, 1848

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS ON EDITORS. 

In July, 1822, a plan for an independent newspaper was proposed to John Quincy Adams by some members of Congress, and the necessity of such a paper was urged upon him with great earnestness. He replied:

“An independent newspaper is very necessary to make truth known to the people; but an editor really independent must have a heart of oak, nerves of iron, and a soul of adamant to carry it through. His first attempt will bring a hornet’s nest about his head; and, if they do not sting him to death or to blindness, he will have to pursue his march with them continually swarming over him, and be beset on all sides with obloquy and slander.”

The Berkshire County Eagle (Pittsfield, Massachusetts) Jan 26, 1860

When John Quincy Adams was elected to the House of Representatives he found that he was the owner of some shares in the United States Bank. Before taking his seat he sold his shares, on the ground that, as a representative of the people, he should not have an interest in any matter that might come before the House for legislation.

What a blessed thing it would be if our members to-day were to be governed by the same sense of honor.

Allen County Democrat (Lima, Ohio) Mar 16, 1876

Image from Ancient Faces

The late Charles Francis Adams believed in himself as well as in his ancestors. Introduced to speak at a political meeting as the grandson of President John Adams, and the son of John Quincy Adams, he at once said: “The fact of my ancestry has been referred to several times during the evening. I am proud of my father and grandfather, but I wish it distinctly understood that I appear before you as myself, and not as the son and grandson of any man.”

He then went on and made one of the most powerful speeches of the day. The moral is obvious. Every tub has its own bottom. Every American it his own ancestor.

Bangor Daily Whig and Courier (Bangor, Maine) Dec 15, 1886

Didn’t Inspire Him.

When Lafayette visited Virginia he was entertained with other eminent guests by President Monroe at Oak Hill. Leesburg, too, the historic town nine miles from Monroe’s country seat, accorded him honors on that occasion, and at a dinner at that town John Quincy Adams delivered a famous toast to the surviving patriots of the Revolution, who, he said, were like the sibylline leaves — the fewer they became the more precious they were.

On the return to Oak Hill another of Monroe’s guests said to Mr. Adams:

“Excuse the impertinence, but would you not tell me what inspired the beautiful sentiment of your toast today?”

“Why,” replied Mr. Adams, “it was suggested this morning by the picture of the sibyl that hangs in the hall of the Oak Hill mansion.”

“How strange!” remarked the less brilliant guest. “I have looked at that picture many times during the past years, and that thought never occurred to me.”

Adams County News (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania) Jun 25, 1910

*****

Previously Posted:

The Life and Death of John Quincy Adams

George Washington: His Country is his Monument

February 18, 2010

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Few columns rose when Rome was free
To mark her patriot’s last repose;
When she outlived her liberty,
The emperor’s mausoleums rose;
And Trajan’s shaft was reared at last,
When freedom from Tyber passed.
“Better than Trajan” lowly lies
By broad Potomac’s silent shore,
Hallowing the green declivities
With glory, now and evermore.
Art to his fame no aid hath lent —
His country is his monument.

Huron Reflector (Norwalk, Ohio)1832

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

The following account of the appointment of General Washington to the supreme command of the continental army, June 18th, 1775, has been placed in our hands by a gentleman in whose veracity we have full confidence. We cannot doubt the authenticity of the anecdotes he gives.

This subject has of late years been brought before the public under various versions, and has in every shape attention. The private journal is narrating a conversation with John Adams, senior, before that great and good man was called to his final rest. The relation is more in detail than that which has hitherto been made public, but it substantially corroborates the former versions of the causes which led to the appointment of Washington. Lest we should in any way affect the anecdote, we give it in the words of the narrator.

The army was assembled at Cambridge, Mass., under Gen. Ward, and Congress was sitting at Philadelphia. Every day, new applications in behalf of the army arrived. The country was urgent that Congress should legalize the raising of the army; as they had, what must be considered, only a mob, a band of armed rebels.

The country was placed in circumstances of peculiar difficulty and danger. The struggle had begun, and yet every thing was without order. The great trial now seemed to be in this question. Who shall be the commander-in-chief? It was exceedingly important, and was felt to be the hinge on which the contest might turn for or against us.

The Southern and Middle States, warm and rapid in their zeal for the most part, were jealous of New England, because they felt the real physical force was here; what then was to be done? All New England adored Gen. Ward; he had been in the French war, and went out laden with laurels. He was a scholar and a statesman. Every qualification seemed to cluster in him; and it was confidently believed that the army could not receive any appointment over him. What then was to be done? Difficulties thickened at every step. The struggle was to be long and bloody. Without union, all was lost. The country and the whole country must come in. One pulsation must beat through all hearts.

The cause was one, and the army must be one. The members had talked, debated, considered and guessed, and yet the decisive step had not been taken. At length Mr. Adams came to his conclusion. The means of resolving it were somewhat singular, and nearly as follows: he was walking one morning before Congress hall, apparently in deep thought, when his cousin, Samuel Adams, came up to him and said,

“What is the topic with you this morning?”

“Oh the army,” he replied. “I’m determined to go into the hall this morning, and enter on a full detail of the colonies, in order to show an absolute need of taking some decisive steps. My whole aim will be to induce Congress to appoint a day for adopting the army as the legal army of these united colonies of North America, and then to hint at an election of a Commander-in-Chief.”

“Well,” said Samuel Adams, “I like that, cousin John; but on whom have you fixed as that Commander?”

“I will tell you — George Washington, of Virginia, a member of this house.”

“Oh,” replied Samuel Adams quickly, “that will never do, never.”

“It must do, it shall do,” said John, “and for these reasons — the Southern and Middle States are bout to enter heartily in the cause; and their arguments are portent! they say that New England holds the physical power in her hands, and they fear the result. A New England army, a New England commander, new England perseverance all united, appal them. For this cause they hang back. Now the only course is to allay their fears, and give them nothing to complain of; and this can be done in no other way but by appointing a Southern Chief over this force, and then all will rush to the standard. This policy will blend us in one mass, and that mass will be resistless.”

At this, Samuel Adams seemed greatly moved. They talked over the preliminary circumstances, and John asked his cousin to second the motion. Mr. Adams went in, took the floor, and put forth all his strength, in the delineation he had prepared, all aiming at the adoption of the army. He was ready to own the army, appoint a commander, vote supplies, and proceed to business. After his speech had been finished, some doubted, some objected, and some feared. His warmth increased with the occasion, and to all these doubts and hesitations she[he?] replied.

“Gentlemen, if this Congress will not adopt this army before ten moons have set, New England will adopt it, and she will undertake the struggle alone — yes, with a strong arm, and a clean conscience, she will front the foe single handed.”

This had the desired effect. They saw New England was neither playing, nor to be played with. They agreed to appoint a day. A day was fixed. It came — Mr. Adams went in, took the floor, urged the measure, and after some debate, it passed.

The next thing was to get a commander for his army, with supplies, &c. All looked to Mr. Adams on the occasion, and he was ready. He took the floor, and went into a minute delineation of the character of General Ward, bestowing on him the encomiums which then belonged to no one else. At the end of the eulogy he said, “But this is not the man I have chosen.”

He then went into the delineation of the character of a Commander-in-Chief, such as was required by the peculiar situation of the Colonies at this juncture. And after he had presented the qualifications in his strongest language, and gave the reasons for the nomination he was about to make, he said —

“Gentlemen, I know these qualifications are high, but we all know they are needful, at this crisis in this chief. Does any one say they are not to be obtained in this country? In reply I have to say they are; reside in one of our own body, and he is the person whom I now nominate.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, OF VIRGINIA

Washington, who sat on Mr. Adams’ right hand, was looking at him intently in the face, to watch the name he was about to announce, and not expecting it would be his, sprang from his seat the minute he heard it, and rushed into an adjoining room. Mr. Adams had asked his cousin Samuel to ask for an adjournment as soon as the nomination was made, in order to give the members time to deliberate, and the result is before the world.

I asked Mr. Adams, among other questions, the following:

“Did you ever doubt of the success of the conflict?”

“No, no,” said he, “not for a moment. I expected to be hung and quartered, if I was caught; but no matter for that — my country would be free; I knew George III, could not forge chains long enough and strong enough to reach around these United States.”

The Republican Compiler (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania) Mar 6, 1843

Presidents’ Day Feature: Ronald Reagan

February 15, 2010

From the Sitka Sentinel (Sitka, Alaska) Nov 5, 1980

For President’s Day, a Ronald Reagan montage: It’s just some  random things  leading up to his Landslide Presidential Victory.  The “objectivity” of these articles makes them entertaining to read; it’s really a wonder he ever got elected to anything. Evidently,  the people could read between the lines.

Gov. Ronald Reagan (Image from http://courses.csusm.edu)

$6.74 Billion Calif. Budget Proposed By Gov. Reagan

By BILL STALL
Associated Press Writer

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP)

Gov. Ronald Reagan proposed Tuesday a spartan $6.74 billion state budget which avoids a tax increase mainly by slashing the rate of welfare spending by $700 million annually.

Reagan told the California Legislature that “something must be done and done immediately” about soaring welfare and health care costs.

Proposed welfare spending in Reagan’s budget totals $2.2 billion. The state’s share would be 676.5 million — down $65.2 million from the current year.

The Republican governor’s proposed 1971-72 budget, 2 percent larger than the current one, cuts spending in many areas, hold the University of California to the current $337 million of state support and denies state workers the annual cost-of-living salary increases they have enjoyed for the past decade.

HEAVIER TEACHER LOAD

Reagan told the state’s college and university faculty members they would have to spend more time teaching to handle a heavier classroom load.

Reagan predicted in an address to the Republican state convention Sunday the budget would bring “resistance and cries of anguish.”

Referring to welfare, he said “When many snouts are threatened with forcible withdrawal from the public trough, it makes waves.”

Reagan shunned both the deficit financing of President Nixon’s new federal budget and new taxes such as those proposed by New York Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller to balance his state’s $8.45 billion budget.

FACES BIG PROBLEM

California had a bigger state budget than New York when Reagan first took office four years ago.

The Republican governor faces major problems in getting the budget, and its companion reform legislation, through a legislature controlled by Democrats: 43 to 37 in the Assembly and 20 to 19 in the Senate.

Reagan will propose administrative and legislative changes that will cut welfare spending by a projected $606 million of state, county and federal funds in the budget year beginning July 1. This will be done by tightening up on eligibility and doing away with a number of allowances considered by the Reagan administration to be frills. Details will be revealed in a welfare message to go to the legislature soon.

To save another $100 million, Reagan will ask the legislature to cut back the free health care given by the state to 2.5 million welfare recipients and medically needy in California’s Medi-Cal program.

Reagan proposes to limit Medi-Cal spending to what an average citizen who pays for his own health needs lays out during a year. This is estimated at about $300 by state officials. California has been paying an average $517 for each Medi-Cal patient, Reagan said.

The Gettysburg Times (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania) Feb 3, 1971

Image from the Graham Owen Gallery

Reagan Prepares For “Hawk” Tour

By BILL BOYARSKY

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) —

Gov. Ronald Reagan is getting ready for his first nationwide political tour as a full-fledged hawk on Vietnam and closer then ever to campaigning actively for the Republican presidential nomination.

Less than three weeks before his speechmaking trip through Illinois, South Carolina and Wisconsin, Reagan made his toughest statement so far on the war, asking for a sharp escalation.

“I don’t think the full technological power of the United States is being used,” Reagan told a news conference Tuesday.

He said he didn’t think nuclear weapons are needed to win but insisted “the enemy should be frightened that we might” use them.

The Gettysburg Times (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania) Sep 13, 1967

Brown: Reagan ‘Last Hope’ of Extremists

Gubernatorial Nominee Likened to Death Valley

SACRAMENTO (UPI) — Gov. Edmund G. Brown Sunday attacked his Republican opponent, actor-politician Ronald Reagan, as “the best and perhaps last hope” of right wing extremists for an attractive candidate who shares their philosophy.

In a speech prepared for a meeting of the Democratic State Central Committee, Brown said Reagan’s backers include ultra-conservatives from throughout the nation, not just California.

“They will spend whatever they must, and they will resort to whatever tactics they must,” the Democratic governor said.

“And they will do this because they know that Ronald Reagan is their best and perhaps last hope of inflicting on this nation a revolution of the right.”

Gov. Edmund G. Brown Sr. (Image from http://courses.csusm.edu)

Ignored Fight

Brown’s text concentrated on Reagan and ignored a bitter fight for selection of a new Democratic state chairman.

Committee members, almost 1,000 of them, were to choose between Mrs. Carmen Warschaw and Assemblyman Charles Warren, both of Los Angeles.

Brown is backing Mrs. Warschaw, currently the party’s southern California chairman. Lt. Gov. Glenn M. Anderson and most of the liberal wing are supporting Warren.

Supporters of Mrs. Warschaw have warned delegates that a Warren victory would be interpreted as a slap in the face of the governor. [SLAP! They chose Warren]

Brown said Reagan was trying to gloss over his earlier right-wing pronouncements. But the governor said Democrats would not let him do so.


Death Valley (Image from http://www.tripadvisor.com)

‘Quaint Place”

“The people are going to find that Mr. Reagan’s philosophy is not unlike the landscape of Death Valley — threatening, barren and forbidding. And they will not let him remodel California in that image. Death Valley might be a quaint place to visit — but who wants to live there?”

(In Santa Monica, Reagan told a news conference Saturday the Democrats were trying to tie an extremist label on him ‘because they don’t dare run on their record.”)

The governor’s prepared remarks made no mention of his proposal, unveiled Saturday, for creation of a bipartisan committee to study the controversial Rumford Open Housing Law and recommend amendments or a substitute.

Platform

The Democratic state convention, in a platform adopted a few hours after the governor made the proposal, ignored it completely.

The platform said Democrats were “ready at all times to amend or improve” civil rights laws including the Rumford Act which prohibits racial discrimination in the sale or rental of housing.

But it said the party opposes repeal of any of the laws against discrimination.

In another speech prepared for the central committee, Democratic National Committeeman Eugene L. Wyman said Reagan was basing his campaign on information fed to him by “the behavioral scientists, the pollsters and the public relations experts.”

“They tell him the Rumford Act is unpopular, and Mr. Reagan calls for its repeal,” Wyman said. “They probe for the hidden fears and prejudices of the people, and Mr. Reagan goes on television to exploit those deep-seated emotions as coldly and cynically as the extremists of the left and right who would rule by mass manipulation of the mobs.”

Nevada State Journal (Reno, Nevada) Aug 15,  1966

California GOP Leaders Fear Future

Don’t Like Reagan For Governor but Have No Candidate

WASHINGTON —

Republican fat cats met secretly in Los Angeles Dec. 17 to hear an audacious proposal from money men backing moderate George Christopher, former Mayor of San Francisco, for governor.

Christopher’s bankrollers agreed that unrestrained blood-spilling in primary elections has helped debilitate the Republican party in California. Instead of another expensive primary, they continued, the money men should agree on one candidate for Governor: George Christopher.

The audacity of this proposal stems from the fact that in statewide polls, Christopher runs far behind Hollywood actor Ronald Reagan, darling of California’s Goldwater movement. Naturally then, Reagan’s financial backer were not about to capitulate. The Dec. 17 meeting adjourned with nothing accomplished.

End Of an Era

This story illustrates the desperate straits of California moderate Republicans trying to salvage the Hiram JohnsonEarl Warren tradition in their party. The increasingly likely nomination of Reagan might well destroy whatever remains of that tradition. Yet, leading moderates looked to that Dec. 17 meeting as a last hope of beating Reagan by cutting away financial support.

Reliance on so doubtful a maneuver is part of the Cherry Orchard syndrome. After Barry Goldwater’s nomination in 1964, journalist Murray Kempton compared anti-Goldwater moderates to the impoverished Russian aristocrats in Chekhov’s play, “The Cherry Orchard” — foolishly waiting for somebody to save them as they edged inexorably toward the abyss. The Cherry Orchard analogy is equally applicable to California today.

Looked to Kuchel

Although Reagan’s candidacy was building all through 1965, the moderates waited for somebody to save them — specifically, for Sen. Thomas Kuchel to come home and run for governor. Kuchel, Earl Warren’s last political protege, kept the hope alive by refusing to say yes or no. when he finally said no in September, the moderates were left with Christopher.

A progressive who was an excellent mayor of San Francisco, Christopher failed to catch on in populous southern California during two previous losing statewide races. Many moderates believed aggressive, young state Rep. Robert Monagan, Republican leader of the state assembly, would run better against Reagan.

So progressive and excellent, he couldn’t get elected anywhere other than San Francisco!

Monagan has been the subject of a low-paced build-up since September (coming to Washington last month to see officials of the Council of Republican Organizations, a national coalition of moderate groups.) But so long as the better-known Christopher is running, Monagan is stymied.

Here again the Cherry Orchard mentality was at work. Some moderates hoped Kuchel would convince Christopher to step aside for Monagan. Based on a cordial private conversation between Richard M. Nixon and Monagan in September, other moderates hoped Nixon would do the same. These were but dreams.

Nowadays, there are even Zombies in The Cherry Orchard!  If we only had a Zombie Reagan, we could save the Cherry Orchard.

Seek Nixon’s Help

With Monagan’s candidacy still-born and Christopher determined to run hard, California’s Cherry Orchard moderates now are seeking outside help for Christopher from two influential members of the party’s old Nixon wing: Sen. George Murphy and former Nixon aide Robert Finch. Neither has much us for Reagan. Either could do him damage.

It is, however, naive to believe either will Murphy, who upset Pierre Salinger in 1964 as an apostle of party unity, sticks to that theme.The highly astute Finch is not likely to endanger his unimpeded road to the nomination for lieutenant governor and an excellent chance against the weak Democratic incumbent by attacking Reagan.

This leaves many moderates reduced to the wish that Christopher’s money men somehow will talk Reagan’s money men into quitting. They are praying Reagan will drop, or at least fail to gain in the next statewide opinion polls. Christopher’s fat cats then could argue that the polls prove Reagan has only hard-core right wing support and would be a goner against Democratic Gov. Pat Brown.

This is relying on providence. Reagan instead relies on his political management firm, Spencer, Roberts and Associates, which plans for Reagan to announce his candidacy on the same day California pollsters will have interviewers in the field. The reason publicity generated by Reagan’s announcement will help him in the polls.

Forgetting Reagan’s neanderthal ideology,** nobody can say his campaign hasn’t outplanned, out-thought, and outfought the Chekhovesque moderates. It’s 1964 all over again.

(Copyright 1965)

Post Crescent (Appleton, Wisconsin) Jan 5, 1966

** NEANDERTHAL?  No journalistic bias there!

Post Crescent (Appleton, WI) Jun 3, 1965

Kinda funny, the paper’s name is the Post Crescent. Supposedly, this paper leans right, according to MondoTimes. Based on the preceding article from the Post Crescent, that doesn’t really appear to be the case.

From the Coshocton Tribune (Coshocton, OH) Nov 16, 1947

Who doesn’t love Shirley Temple?

1941

Ronald Reagan and Jane Wyman peddle cigarettes, and look so good doing it!

From the Nevada State Journal (Reno, NV) Aug 11, 1939

A hint of things to come? “To Keep You Safe, They Risk Their Lives!”

Ronald Reagan, the Life Saver!

From the Lima News (Lima, OH) Jul 3, 1937